4 Final No Results

Everyone was stunned. They didn't expect Song Jiaoren to be so frank.

Ma Junwu sneered and said, "Zhang Taiyan once made a statement in the newspaper: "There is the talent of the prime minister at the beginning", "If you build a cabinet, the servant will be the first to push Song Jun Jiaoren." Nowadays, many people rumor that you want to be the Prime Minister in order to satisfy your personal desires.

Tan Renfeng and Li wanted to show their displeasure. Ma Junwu's words are to kill the heart, and in modern terms, it is a personal attack!

Hu Hanmin winkyed at Ma Junwu, hoping that he would speak cautiously. Everyone knows this in their hearts. Why should they say it?

Song Jiaoren, who was in the center of the whirlpool of rumors, looked at Ma Junwu calmly, with his eyes shining brightly.

Ma Junwu was a little cold to him. He was cautious and said, "I just want Song Jun to give you an explanation. If there is no right explanation, there is no need to discuss the proposal that was rejected last time today, and the case will be closed."

As soon as this was said, everyone also looked at Song Jiaoren. If he had no reasonable explanation, there would be no need to discuss this proposal.

Song Jiaoren smiled indifferently and said, "The world has been falsely the prime minister of the movement for a long time. Although I have nothing to do, I don't want to argue, and because of self-motivation, I have been covered for a long time. If your wife aspires to be the prime minister, isn't it a bad thing? Western Napoleon said: A soldier who doesn't want to be a general is not a good soldier. But it's not like laughing, I really don't understand. Since the country is communist and political, everyone should be responsible. Some people are confident and capable, willing to take the greatest responsibility for the country, and this country should welcome..."

Li Xiang couldn't help clapping his hands and cheering, and Napoleon's famous sayings came out.

Song Jiaoren said in a low voice again: "... What is the competition of the party leader's conceit that the president or organizes the cabinet? It is not a right to serve the country. The duties of the Republic are not comparable to the officials of an authoritarian country. If people can be confident, they might as well be benevolent. People in the world only ask whether they have this ability or not, and it cannot be said that they should not have this ambition. We are only worthy of this ability, and we don't want to take this big responsibility. Our will is not taboo, and I really hope to be responsible for it in the future. And I hope that everyone has this hope, but if you get it in vain, you can't hear it.

Ma Junwu was stunned for a long time and sighed, "Men are ambitious and not afraid of heights, and Song Jun's words are not unreasonable."

Li Xiang couldn't help turning 180 degrees to his perception, and his good impression increased greatly, because Ma Junwu didn't lie with his eyes open. Although there are political discord, his character deserves respect.

Hu Hanmin glanced at Song Jiaoren first and said, "On his way home, the president revealed his reasons for teaching the American republican system in a conversation with a reporter from the Paris Daily. He believes that the purpose of the Chinese revolution is to establish a republican government and follow the example of the United States. In addition, no political system is suitable for China. Because there are too many provinces in China, the race is complicated. The U.S. republic is very suitable for China. To achieve this goal, it will revitalize commerce and improve the economy, explore natural minerals, and develop endlessly. At the beginning, you have to borrow materials from foreign countries to receive this good result. I don't know how Song Jun explains it?"

The reason why Sun Yat-sen agrees with the presidential system is also inseparable from his early experience of studying and traveling in the United States. Compared with the spontaneously developed parliamentary system in Britain, the presidential system is a completely artificial product. After repeated discussions, the founders of the United States used Montesquieu's doctrine of separation of powers to create their own government. In the face of the internal and external troubles of the new country, although they realize that "strong administrative departments are not in line with the nature of the republican government", they still decide to "incorporate the inevitability of the republican experience - the most obvious aspect is the executive factor - into the constitutional government, and the executive takes advantage of its 'power' or act quickly. Jie, better deal with occasional events and violence that may interfere with republican choices than other branches," set up a strong president. It is not difficult to see that the author compares the president with the king of England at that time in order to build a strong government, but the power of the president is not as strong as the king of England and beyond the constitution. The Constitution makes him unable to act recklessly while performing his functions, which is tantamount to a domesticated monarch. The president is both the supreme leader and head of state of the administrative organ, representing the country to the outside world. The people elect the president regularly, and the parliament generally does not have the right to vote no confidence in the president. The parliament is the legislature and the representative of domestic sovereignty, and the president has no right to dissolve the parliament. The functions of the three organs of legislation, administration and justice are overlapping and relatively independent areas of activity, forming a pattern of separation of powers and checks and balances. Theoretically, the separation of powers can institutionally ensure that state power is not abused and is an effective means to protect democracy.

Contacting Sun Yat-sen's early ideas about the revolutionary process, it can be seen that he attaches great importance to the role of the government and the head of government in the alternation of the old and new regimes. In 1996, he stressed in the Revolutionary Strategy of the Chinese League that after the armed overthrow of the autocratic system, it is necessary to transition to democratic politics, and the whole revolutionary process will go through three stages: the rule of military law, the rule of treaty law and the rule of the constitution. The rule of military law is based on military law and relies on the supervision of the military government to wipe out the old pollution. It should not only eliminate the harm of politics and Manchuria, but also carry out construction work such as education, road construction, police sanitation, and the rise of the benefits of agriculture, industry and commerce. Sun Yat-sen's idea of solving these tasks is obviously implemented by the government, which means that the government must have real power, and the head of the government must have a strong ability to lead all aspects of work. At that time, Sun Yat-sen said, "If we create this constitutional and republican political system, it will not be judged for other reasons, but always in the management of Zhishi." The cabinet system is obviously contrary to this. The American-style presidential system without a prime minister and directly appointed by the president will naturally become Sun Yat-sen's preferred political model.

The most nervous thing is Li Xiang. Assuming that Song Jiaoren can't convince Hu Hanmin in this item, the little advantage he just gained will be in the end.

Song Jiaoren said without thinking, "The rise and fall of the country depends on the use of the organization of state power organs, and the cabinet is especially the head of the administration."

Song Jiaoren believes that the legislative body forms effective restraint on the executive organ, which is the ideal political model. The cabinet system has institutionalized normative restrictions on the responsibilities between the president and the prime minister, rather than pointing to someone who is president and someone who is prime minister. He firmly believes that the responsible cabinet system will lead to good parliamentary politics and party politics.

Song Jiaoren advocates that the cabinet system is by no means a momentary effort**, and it is not just a self-serving prime minister, which is directly related to the political system of the United Kingdom, the home country of his personal experience of Japan's political system and in-depth investigation of the responsible cabinet system. After a long struggle between royal and civil rights, Britain finally established the basic framework of the parliamentary system in the 17th century. Under this political framework, the parliament is the highest authority. The legitimacy of the government comes from the parliament. The authority of the government depends entirely on the trust of the parliament. Therefore, the government is responsible to the parliament rather than directly to the voters. A prominent feature of this system is the unity of deliberation and action. As long as the one-party or multi-party alliance wins a simple majority in the parliamentary election, it will gain the power to form a cabinet. The leader of the winning party serves as the prime minister, and the vast majority of the cabinet members come from their own party. The prime minister, including cabinet members, is both members of the cabinet and parliament. Members. The cabinet is a combined committee - a connecting hyphen, a fixed belt buckle, ... The efficient secret of the British constitutional system can be described as a close union and almost complete integration of executive power and legislative power. The role of the British head of state is relatively special, and he is basically a political symbol. However, this does not mean that the head of state is dispensable. In fact, the head of state plays a very important role in political life. One of the most prominent functions is to act as a mediator between the conflict between the government and parliament. The people's heartfelt respect for the royal family is also an important condition for maintaining political stability, which makes the middle class rule in the shadow of the higher class. Therefore, in parliamentary countries, heads of state are also given more positive significance.

In the political concept of Song Jiaoren, there is no doubt that this spirit of parliamentary supremacy and cabinet responsibility is integrated.

Hu Hanmin interrupted: "The president has already said that the cabinet system usually does not make the head of state a political impulse. Therefore, it is not appropriate for the Prime Minister to be responsible to the National Assembly. We can't restore the law of defense against the only person who believes in the recommendation. I also refused to accept everyone's opinions and thought of himself as a sacred wart to mislead the revolutionary plan.

Hu Hanmin said that it was the president, and it was completely a microphone of Sun Yat-sen. However, it can also be seen that Sun Yat-sen expressed four meanings here: first, the head of state in the cabinet system is a virtual position, not the real core of the political structure; second, if the cabinet system in which the prime minister is responsible is implemented, it cannot meet the actual requirements of the current transition period of the new and old regimes; third, we should not jointly recommend it to everyone. Trustworthy people set up such preventive measures again; 4. Personally, I will not give in to other people's opinions and regard myself as a sacred decoration, thus delaying the major events of the revolution. Therefore, in Sun Yat-sen's view, he opposes the implementation of a responsible cabinet system, both public and private.

It can be seen from the clear eye that an important practical purpose of Song Jiaoren's insistence on the responsible cabinet system is to limit the power of the president. Some people think that Sun and Song have always been on bad terms, which can be seen from Song Jiaoren's opening of the headquarters of the Central League in Shanghai. Now Song Jiaoren does not want to see Sun's presidency, so he has repeatedly insisted on the responsible cabinet system and restricted it.

Song Jiaoren increasingly looked down on the elders of the alliance and said rudely, "Excuse me, Hu Jun, if Yuan Shikai overthrows the Qing Dynasty and becomes the president, and the Republic is handed over to Yuan Shikai, are you really relieved to this person?"

Hu Hanmin was speechless, because at that time, the senior officials of the Revolutionary Party had agreed that if the Qing Emperor abdicated, Yuan Shikai was in favor of the republic, and the position of the interim president would be ceded to Yuan Shikai. This policy was written in the declaration of the inauguration of Sun Yat-sen's interim president. Judging from this situation, Song Jiaoren still has the intention to guard against Yuan Shikai to a large extent.

Although Song Jiaoren is strong at peace, he has no good impression on Yuan Shikai. He does not believe that Yuan Shikai sincerely supports democracy and republics. At that time, the only feasible way for the revolutionary party was to implement a responsible cabinet system, which must be drafted by the cabinet, so that the president's order does not need the deputy cabinet secretary, so that the president is in a position of no responsibility. Keep it safe. Therefore, if the peace is successful, the fact that Yuan Shikai becomes the president, if the presidential system is implemented, the political power will be in Yuan Shikai's hands; if the responsible cabinet system is implemented, the political power will be concentrated in the cabinet, and the revolutionaries will also have the opportunity to control the cabinet through parliamentary elections.

Lv Buwei patted Xiang Shaolong's thigh a few times, saying that he was glad that he had frustrated Yang Quanjun's front.

Ma Junwu finally took a boat with Hu Hanmin and said, "The president is planning the whole army's Northern Expedition. At this time, it is too early to discuss the results of the peace talks. Yuan Shikai is hesitant and may not be in favor of the republic. The abdicate and Yuan Shikai are just a dispute. I, General Li, must be opposed to Yuan Zhi's proposal, so Song Jun made this. The reason is far-fetched."

Ma Junwu said so, which means that Sun Yat-sen does not want a cabinet when he is the president, and Yuan Shikai wants a cabinet when he is president, but he also indirectly affirms Song Jiaoren's statement. However, Yuan Shikai's presidency is still an unsolved case, and there is no final agreement. Yuan Shikai did not express his reconcord. He was still shouting for the constitutional monarchy in the newspaper, and the opinions of the south were not unified. Li Xiang and many other revolutionary generals also stood up against it, shouting to carry out the revolution to the end.

Another reason why Song Jiaoren insists on the responsible cabinet system is that he wants to exclude the power of the old bureaucrats in the new government, but the words of this secret room can only be secretly planned, and fools will not say it in front of so many old bureaucrats in parliament. Therefore, in the face of the aggressiveness of the alliance comrades such as Ma Junwu and Hu Hanmin, they are mute and can't say anything.

Li wants to pay secretly. At this time, in terms of political choice, the revolutionaries should not only concentrate political power to eliminate the old and the new and consolidate the new regime, but also restrict political power to prevent it from slipping into the trap of centralized autocracy, which inevitably makes it a choice between the presidential system and the cabinet system. The dispute over the political system of Sun and Song highlights the internal tension of power and freedom in China's modern politics: as a latecomer country, China's modernization requires strong and efficient national mobilization ability, and the centralization of the government inevitably leads to autocracy, thus infringing on civil liberties and slowing down the process of political democratization. This debate also indicates a basic problem of China's democratic transformation, or a common problem for countries affected by Greater Chinese culture.

In this fierce debate, neither side could come up with a convincing reason. The amendment to the organizational outline was fruitless and was still an open case.

"This case is put on hold for reconsideration!" Huang Xing took out his pocket watch and looked at it. It was past noon, but he did nothing. He shot the case to stop the meaningless argument. Seeing that the venue was quiet, he said, "Let's go to have lunch and discuss the next proposal to organize the government and the selection of ministries. I have a document here, which is the candidates proposed by the president. Let's take a look first. After saying that, he motioned the attendant behind him to distribute a big guy.

Everyone took the material silently, and then went to dinner with Huang Xing with their own thoughts.