170 Who has the final say

Although Sun Yat-sen and Huang Xing, the two leaders of the Revolutionary Party, deliberately faded out of politics, Song Jiaoren, who was acting for party affairs, was extremely active. After reorganizing the Kuomintang, he left Beijing and went south to all provinces to arrange the Kuomintang elections.

The first stop is the first place.

Dazhimen Station, people come and go.

"Dunchu, I'm finally looking forward to you."

Li, dressed in a casual gown, wanted to go to Song Jiaoren and surprised Song Jiaoren.

"Why are you dressed so old-fashioned?"

"Hey, low-key, low-key." Li wanted to open the door of the black car: "Please."

"Is this also called low-key?" Song Jiaoren looked at this super-rich toy and said, "Then what is high-profile?"

After getting into the car, the dust went away.

Luojiashan Villa.

Li wanted soda, a hand towel, and fruit. He wanted to aim the electric fan at Song Jiaoren, which kept the servants busy for a while. Then he whispered, "It is rumored outside that Dunchu and Mr. Zhongshan are not consistent in political strategy. When the Kuomintang was established, Dunchu intended to exclude Mr. Zhongshan..."

Song Jiaoren quickly refuted the rumor and said, "In this election of directors, Mr. Sun got the most votes, but Mr. Sun wanted to break away from the political world and specialize in social undertakings, so he did not want to do anything. He once resigned, and he has been repeatedly retained by me and the directors. He has promised to resign, and now he has been promoted to the chairman. I have been engaged in the revolution with Mr. Sun for a few or ten years. How can there be a dispute? And the new establishment of the Kuomintang is presided over by those who have high achievements and high expectations like Mr. Sun. What's the reason for infighting?

Li wants to curl his lips. Who believes the nonsense?

In fact, Sun Yat-sen does not agree with Song Jiaoren's strategy of competing with Yuan Shikai for central government from the perspective of politics. They do not have a unified political strategy and go their own way.

"Dunchu," Li wanted to drop the banana peel, but he couldn't help saying, "The party cabinet is still too ideal. If we don't hold the real power, this Congress can't be lively at all.

In the preparatory stage for the parliamentary election, all parties have already prepared for the comprehensive election. After Song Jiaoren became the acting chairman of the Kuomintang, in order to enable the Kuomintang to win a majority of seats in the parliamentary election, he called on party members to introduce party members, take those who have the right to vote as the standard. The more party members there are, the more talents there are. One more party member will have one more right to vote in the future, and one more member of parliament will have political power.

"I understand this," Song Jiaoren frowned: "Although we do not hold military power and political power at this time, in democratic countries in the world, the political authority is concentrated in the Congress. Therefore, we should stop all movements to focus on the election campaign. If we want to get more than half of the seats in the parliament, and then in the DPRK, we can form a one-party responsible cabinet; if we retreat, we can also strictly supervise the government to make it afraid and dare not do what it should do, and also make it afraid to do.

"The pursuit of party politics and party cabinets in the beginning is full of gorgeous imagination. But the crux of the problem is: no matter how many party members are gathered, including the Kuomintang, can all political parties be regarded as political parties in the strict sense of Western political civilization?

Li Xiang shook his legs:

After the establishment of the Kuomintang, it is the largest party in terms of the number of party members, and it is foreseeable that it will be able to occupy a majority of seats in the election of senators. However, from the perspective of political parties, the Kuomintang is actually a complicated hodgepodge. It is difficult for radical revolutionaries, moderate and undetermined dodinaryists, conservative reformists, new and old-style intellectuals, new and historical leftovers of various bureaucrats and landlords, relatively strong capital gentry merchants, and even new dignitaries who are humble in the revolution but proud of their achievements at this time. Imagine that these people can agree on their political direction and revolutionary aspirations. They gathered together to talk and staggered, which was nothing more than adhering to the ancient motto of "more people and great strength" to strengthen their momentum. It is almost a fantasy to expect such a political party to play with each other in the political life of the country in order to achieve the effect of political opportunities.

Li wanted to squeeze his fist: "This effect, hey hey! At the beginning of escape, wake up. From the perspective of the revolutionary party, there will be an essential difference between the Kuomintang and the alliance at this moment. In order to expand the power of the party, the League will accept the political ideas of other party groups and make compromises and concessions on the issue of principle, the most important of which is to abandon the three-minism.

In the three-minism, the most realistic thing for China is people's livelihood, and the vast majority of the upper-class people who form political parties will never allow the lower-class people to "think" about their property. They do not think that the goal of the revolution is to achieve social equity, but that there is nothing more impossible than "killing the rich to help the poor". It's tolerated. For this reason, Song Jiaoren specially explained the people's livelihood of the League: "It is a big mistake for his party to rob the rich and help the poor. People's livelihood is to make the poor rich. If it can be done, that is, the national social policy does not make the rich want to be rich and the poor want to be poor, resulting in a conflict between workers and capitalists. Obviously, such an explanation can't make gentlemen feel relieved. After the compromise, in the Kuomintang Declaration, the three-minism was changed to a "people's livelihood policy", which is defined as "implementing national socialism, taking care of the country's livelihood, and making a country's economic development balanced and rapid with state power".

Song Jiaoren laughed and said, "In any case, the goal of strengthening the party has always been achieved, and there is an endless stream of people who want to join the Kuomintang. Even the former Qing nobleman Pu Lun joined the Kuomintang and was the first to join the party.

Li Xiang couldn't laugh and said coldly, "The program of the Kuomintang must be revised."

"How to change it?" Song Jiaoren glanced at Li Xiang.

"This was implemented immediately after the Kuomintang formed the cabinet. That is to demand the abolition of all unequal treaties!"

"The revision and abation of the contract are not achieved overnight."

"Without such a program, how can it reflect the revolutionary nature of the Kuomintang?" Li wanted to yawn: "The all-round program, the inspiring speech ability and radical attitude are of great for a political party that strives to attract people's attention and gain popular support, but these conditions alone are not enough."

"Oh?" Song Jiaoren didn't know that Li Xiang was an organizer and asked curiously, "What other conditions do you need?"

Li Xiang laughed and said, "I think what the masses need is not only some propositions - some simple propositions that can constantly enter their hearts - but also signs and symbols, so that they can gain the trust of the masses; they need loud scenes to arouse their enthusiasm; they need Violent and horrible actions, if successful, can attract followers and make them feel the power to overwhelm the weak. Don't most people worship the strong?

"Are you joking?" Song Jiaoren said, "Isn't it such an exaggeration to form an army?"

Li Xiang smiled unchanged and said, "In the Beijing Senate, Yuan Shikai used shameful mental and physical terror against their political enemies! I am very interested in this kind of "terrorist means". Now we have made full use of this horrible means in our own Kuomintang.

"What a horrible means, hooligan!" Song Jiaoren was angry when he thought of this, and his face turned pale. The Kuomintang must not do this!"

Li Xiang's nose is crooked. How come the revolutionaries are all hammers!

"Dunchu, don't get me wrong." Li wanted to suppress his anger and said patiently, "The Kuomintang must have the strength to maintain the stability of the Kuomintang's rally. The main task is to suppress troublemakers, you know? Just like the troubles that disrupted the parliament last time, suppress it, and if necessary, kick the troublemakers out.

Li wanted to see Song Jiaoren's intention to move, so he quickly added jealousy and said, "We can take a group of veterans with thick fists and arms. Well, they must be all revolutionaries. Anyway, there are so many abdicates now that there are so many revolutionaries, you can casually attract a vote and form a revolutionary party "t picket", as the violence within the party. Organ. " I recommend Chen Yingshi for the commander of the picket team. He is the most suitable person. It is very straightforward, responsible and skillful to kill Tao Chengzhang.

"This is against the law!" Song Jiaoren looked at Li Xiang in horror. As long as the picket team is formed, Yuan Shikai has enough reasons to send troops to suppress us and dissolve the Kuomintang!"

"I've thought of this problem for a long time," Li wanted to blink and laughed, "It's not easy to escape the suppression of Yuan Shikai's government. To the public opinion, we disguised the picket team as the "sports department" of the Kuomintang.

Song Jiaoren looked at Li Xiang in surprise.

"But I still think we should give the picket a domineering name, so that the political enemies can be timid, and the comrades in the party and the people who support us can cheer up! How about calling the stormtroopers? I have thought about the suit of the stormtroopers. Wearing a brown uniform is very cool, German... Of course, we can't just be satisfied with maintaining order at the Kuomintang's rallies. We can completely learn from Yuan Shikai to disrupt other party rallies.

"The more you talk, the more boundless it becomes." It is still difficult for Song Jiaoren to find a common topic with the leader of the revisionist party. He got up and was ready to leave.

......

The Grand Presidential Palace.

Yuan Keding said: "Song Jiaoren said in a speech by the Ezhou branch of the Kuomintang: Although we do not hold military power and political power at this time, in the world's democratic countries, the political authority is concentrated in the Congress. Therefore, we should stop all movements to focus on the election campaign. If we want to get more than half of the seats in the parliament, and then in the DPRK, we can form a one-party responsible cabinet; if we retreat, we can also closely supervise the government to make it afraid and dare not do it; what we should do, we can also make it afraid to do it.

Yuan Shikai was very unhappy after hearing this passage. He said angrily, "Oh! Does Song Jiaoren still want to form a political party cabinet? It's so much!"

......

In the Prime Minister's Office, Zhao Bingjun's face was still full of confusion: "I'm surprised: Song Jiaoren is tossing around. My prime minister is appointed by the president, and the president nominates me as the prime minister. Who dares to stop me?"

Zhao Bingjun and Yang Du sat on the sofa smoking.

Yang Du's cigar pointed to Zhao Bingjun: "You, you, don't remember to eat or not to fight. Remember, at the beginning of the Republic of China, the two-time cabinet has fallen. In addition, your term is the third term. Which time is not the interim Senate final?"

Zhao Bingjun sneered and said, "But in the end, it's not the president who has the final say!"